文章来源:顺电商城   发布时间:2019-12-12 11:40:31|本港一码三中三  【字号:      】  


  WASHINGTON — The U.S. Chamber of Commerce took a close look at its congressional report card and gave itself a failing grade.

  After 40 years, the chamber, a powerful business organization, decided its method of rating and endorsing members of Congress was out of whack and could be contributing to the very gridlock it was hoping to break.

  Now the group, hoping to stir some bipartisanship on Capitol Hill, is overhauling its scoring system in hope of broadening its congressional base and rewarding those who reach across the aisle. It is a significant shift and represents the chamber’s recognition that a better functioning government might better serve its own interests — and its members — than persistent stalemate of the type that just caused a government shutdown, the longest on record.

  “We are going to give it a chance,” said Scott W. Reed, the chamber’s senior political strategist. “We are going to reach out our hand. We made a strategic decision that we have to change this.”

  The chamber’s decision also reflects how factions of the Republican Party — including President Trump himself — have moved away from traditional core positions of big business on issues like immigration, free trade and government programs that help its industry, such as the Export-Import Bank. The chamber strongly opposed the shutdown and called on Congress to adopt an immigration overhaul and end the impasse.

  The chamber is not the only conservative, business-allied organization that says it wants to encourage more bipartisan solutions. Bolstered by the success of criminal justice legislation passed last year with strong support from both parties, leaders of the political network directed by the billionaire brothers Charles G. and David H. Koch say they intend to focus more on building similar coalitions to take on stubborn issues.

  “This is the next major evolution of the Koch network,” said James Davis, a spokesman for the Koch group.

  Senator Chuck Schumer of New York, the Democratic leader, was not persuaded by the better governance pitch.

  “That’s a good instinct, but color me skeptical,” said Mr. Schumer, noting that the network continues to support divisive political candidates. “It seems that still the highest priority is to help the rich and powerful no matter how divisive it is.”

  Given its rightward bent, the chamber has always been more closely aligned with Republicans, though it typically tried to identify some Democrats it could get behind to demonstrate it was receptive to both parties.

  But in recent years, the chamber has come to support Republicans almost exclusively. The watchdog group Public Citizen found that in 2016, the chamber devoted all of its campaign money — nearly million — to Republican candidates in primary and general elections, making it one of the largest outside players in congressional races.

  The numbers of more moderate Democrats have been decreasing as the party moved left. But even centrist Democrats who consider themselves business friendly found it increasingly hard to meet the standard for an endorsement from the chamber, which can translate into dollars, campaign support and trickle-down backing from businesses back home. The unlikelihood of winning the group’s support discouraged some Democrats who might have welcomed it from even trying to do so.

  The chamber endorsed 38 Democrats in 2008, but that number steadily declined to single digits until the group backed just five in 2016. The number ticked up to seven last year as the chamber stepped up its efforts to find Democrats it could back. In contrast, the chamber endorsed 191 Republicans in 2018, a not atypical number.

  The sharp imbalance prompted a rethinking at the chamber, where officials attribute part of the problem to the shifting dynamics of Congress. Compared to past years, there are fewer votes in the House and Senate, and the ones that occur are often tests of party loyalty, providing few opportunities for lawmakers to demonstrate independence.

  “It used to be a little easier to get votes on policies,” said Neil Bradley, an executive vice president at the chamber and a former top Republican leadership adviser on Capitol Hill. “We had a lot more open amendment process. There were opportunities for folks to demonstrate where they supported the business community. We are down in both bodies to binary choices that largely fall along partisan lines.”

  As a result, he and Mr. Reed decided the old system of basing endorsements solely on a willingness to vote the chamber position at least 70 percent of the time was not giving lawmakers credit for other bipartisan activity.

  Under the new approach, selected roll call votes will represent 80 percent of the total rating. But 10 percent will now be based on the number of chamber-endorsed bills that a lawmaker sponsors as well as the number of chamber-opposed bills a lawmaker doesn’t back even if the bills never get a vote. The final 10 percent will be based on a “bipartisan engagement score” that will be determined by the share of bills co-sponsored by a member that were introduced by someone in the opposite party.

  The chamber officials say the change will give lawmakers interested in showing bipartisanship and a pro-business sensibility a stronger chance to do so. “Now 20 percent of your score is totally within your control, what you decide to co-sponsor, what you decide not to co-sponsor,” Mr. Bradley said. “It is not up to leadership.”

  In developing the new approach, chamber officials consulted with Representative Josh Gottheimer of New Jersey, one of seven Democrats the chamber backed in the last election cycle. Mr. Gottheimer is also a leader of the bipartisan Problem Solvers Caucus, which successfully lobbied Speaker Nancy Pelosi for new rules intended to promote more bipartisanship. He said he hoped the chamber’s scorecard switch builds on that effort and spurs more attempts by Republicans and Democrats to work together.

  “It is constructive,” said Mr. Gottheimer, whom the chamber endorsed at a July 2018 event in his district, which drew news coverage of chamber leaders praising his record and legislative approach. “We need to find ways to promote bipartisan governing.”

  In a demonstration of its new thinking, the chamber placed digital advertisements last Thursday in the districts of 20 House members — 10 Republicans, 10 Democrats — commending all of them for crossing party lines in an attempt to end the shutdown.

  The effect of the new initiatives, if any, will take some time to assess, and the partisanship may already run too deep to correct. But the chamber sees its new scorecard as one way to try to encourage more lawmakers looking for consensus to meet in the middle.




【闫】【欢】【一】【直】【等】【着】【陈】【子】【昂】【一】【起】【去】【甸】【城】,【张】【函】【曾】【经】【找】【过】【她】,【似】【乎】【是】【来】【了】【解】【陈】【子】【寒】【的】。 【她】【心】【里】【有】【些】【纠】【结】。 【她】【想】【提】【前】【过】【去】,【但】【是】【遭】【到】【了】【陈】【子】【悦】【的】【反】【对】 “【子】【昂】【不】【过】【去】,【你】【就】【不】【准】【过】【去】。” “【为】【什】【么】【啊】?” “【当】【初】【同】【意】【你】【去】【甸】【城】【就】【是】【因】【为】【你】【说】【了】【陪】【子】【昂】【一】【起】【过】【去】【的】,【子】【昂】【没】【有】【过】【去】【你】【过】【去】【干】【嘛】。【等】【子】【昂】【一】【起】【过】【去】。

【东】【笋】【国】【皇】【宫】,【护】【卫】【看】【着】【晃】【晃】【悠】【悠】【走】【来】【的】【年】【轻】【人】,【心】【中】【疑】【惑】,【就】【算】【真】【的】【有】【资】【格】【进】【出】【皇】【宫】,【也】【没】【见】【过】【哪】【几】【个】【人】【是】【徒】【步】【过】【来】【的】,【不】【乘】【马】【车】,【怎】【么】【说】【也】【得】【骑】【马】【呀】。 “【前】【方】【皇】【宫】,【禁】【止】【出】【入】。” 【水】【鸭】【摸】【了】【摸】【口】【袋】,【从】【里】【头】【掏】【出】【九】【公】【主】【的】【令】【牌】,“【我】【找】【公】【主】【有】【事】。” 【皇】【室】【后】【裔】【每】【人】【只】【有】【三】【个】【代】【表】【身】【份】【的】【令】【牌】,【数】【量】【极】【为】【有】

   【随】【着】【对】‘【大】【罗】【无】【量】【智】【慧】【法】’【的】【探】【索】,【广】【成】【子】【也】【知】【道】,【自】【己】【无】【法】【一】【直】【保】【持】【这】【个】【特】【殊】【的】【状】【态】。 【此】【时】【此】【刻】【的】【广】【成】【子】,【更】【像】【是】【这】【天】【道】【层】【次】【的】【五】【行】【金】【丹】,【强】【行】【将】【他】【的】【智】【慧】【提】【升】【至】‘【合】【道】’【状】【态】。 “【可】【惜】【了】,【运】【转】【智】【慧】【法】【要】【消】【耗】【大】【量】【的】【灵】【魂】【之】【力】,【以】【我】【现】【在】【的】【修】【为】【还】【是】【有】【些】【入】【不】【敷】【出】,【难】【以】【长】本港一码三中三10【日】,【在】【北】【京】【举】【行】【的】“‘【一】【带】【一】【路】’【倡】【议】【下】【的】【全】【球】【城】【市】【发】【布】【会】”【上】,【住】【建】【部】【直】【属】【的】【中】【国】【城】【市】【规】【划】【研】【究】【院】(【以】【下】【简】【称】“【中】【规】【院】”)【发】【布】【了】《“【一】【带】【一】【路】”【倡】【议】【下】【的】【全】【球】【城】【市】【报】【告】(2019)》(【以】【下】【简】【称】“【报】【告】”)。

  【一】【直】【旁】【听】【的】【陈】【霖】【忽】【然】【道】:“【你】【们】【的】【帝】【君】【究】【竟】【是】【什】【么】【病】?” 【革】【烽】【微】【微】【一】【怔】,【犹】【豫】【了】【一】【下】【方】【才】【道】:“【具】【体】【的】【情】【形】【我】【并】【不】【清】【楚】,【不】【过】【我】【打】【听】【到】,【帝】【君】【的】【病】【极】【有】【可】【能】【和】【女】【人】【有】【关】。” 【陈】【霖】【皱】【了】【皱】【眉】【头】,【和】【女】【人】【有】【关】,【难】【道】【是】【两】【性】【方】【面】【的】【毛】【病】,【生】【理】【机】【能】【障】【碍】【还】【是】【其】【他】【呢】?【不】【过】【这】【次】【倒】【是】【一】【个】【打】【入】【敌】【人】【内】【部】【的】【好】【机】【会】,【如】【果】

  【不】【过】,【罗】【子】【凌】【并】【没】【多】【说】【什】【么】,【而】【是】【把】【从】【欧】【洲】【带】【来】【的】【礼】【物】【递】【给】【了】【陈】【乔】【雨】。 【给】【杨】【青】【叶】【的】【礼】【物】【也】【有】,【不】【过】【简】【单】【多】【了】,【就】【一】【条】【领】【带】【及】【一】【条】【皮】【带】。 【这】【和】【送】【给】【其】【他】【男】【性】【男】【友】【的】【礼】【物】【一】【样】,【罗】【子】【凌】【没】【把】【杨】【青】【叶】【当】【成】【特】【殊】【的】【人】。 【陈】【乔】【雨】【接】【过】【罗】【子】【凌】【送】【的】【那】【个】【大】【礼】【包】,【一】【脸】【乐】【呵】【呵】【地】【称】【赞】【罗】【子】【凌】【真】【有】【心】,【居】【然】【还】【想】【到】【给】【他】【们】【带】【礼】

  【江】【鱼】【一】【怔】,【摇】【了】【摇】【头】。 【莫】【三】【娘】【瞅】【瞅】【左】【右】,【压】【低】【声】【音】【道】:“【独】【孤】【平】【曾】【经】【是】【韩】【飞】【的】【师】【傅】,【携】【带】【韩】【飞】【千】【里】【同】【行】,【远】【赴】【塞】【外】,【送】【他】【去】【天】【山】【灵】【鹫】【宫】【学】【艺】。” 【江】【鱼】【心】【头】【一】【震】,【低】【声】【道】:“【你】【说】【他】【是】【为】【了】【飞】【儿】【出】【头】?” 【莫】【三】【娘】【缓】【缓】【点】【头】,【低】【声】【道】:“【韩】【飞】【争】【位】【失】【败】,【独】【孤】【平】【心】【中】【不】【忿】,【找】【你】【为】【难】,【就】【是】【为】【了】【替】【韩】【飞】【出】【头】。”




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